G. E. Bentley, Jr. Blake Records. 2nd ed.
New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004

Addenda and Corrigenda

Addenda to Blake Records, 2nd ed., were previously published as supplements to G. E. Bentley, Jr.’s, annual checklist of publications and discoveries in Blake. They are provided here as pdf files:

• 2004 (from vol. 37, no. 4, spring 2004)
• 2005 (from vol. 39, no. 1, summer 2005)
• 2006 (from vol. 40, no. 1, summer 2006)
• 2007 (from vol. 41, no. 1, summer 2007)
• 2008 (from vol. 42, no. 1, summer 2008)
• 2009 (from vol. 43, no. 1, summer 2009)

Abbreviations:

BB	G. E. Bentley, Jr., Blake Books (1977)
BBS	G. E. Bentley, Jr., Blake Books Supplement (1995)
Blake	Blake/An Illustrated Quarterly
BR(2)	G. E. Bentley, Jr., Blake Records, 2nd ed. (2004)
Butlin	Martin Butlin, The Paintings and Drawings of William Blake (1981)

P. xii
For “1785-90” read:
1785-91

P. xii
For “Lisson Grove Road, west of the map” and “No. 20 (1828-30),” read:
“Queen Street, Mayfair, to the right of the map” and “No. 1 (1828-29).”

P. xii
For “Upper Charlotte Street” and “(1828-31),” read:
“Upper Charlton Street” and “(1829-31).”

P. xiv
For “1790-1800” read:
1791-1800

P. xxii
Owners and Repositories of Unique Materials, Private Collections
Delete:
Warrington, David [formerly the Cromek Archive, now in Princeton University Library]

P. 8
For “some fifteen years” (James Blake “lived in cautious gentility for some fifteen years” in Cirencester Place), read:
ten years

P. 12
In footnote ‡, for “reads: ‘William … ffather[.]’” read:
Stationers’ Company Apprentice Register, 1 Feb. 1763–5 Dec. 1786, p. 15 (reproduced in Michael Phillips, William Blake: Apprentice & Master [Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2014] [26], fig. 10), reads:

Ja.s Basire.	William Blake Son of James	}	£52.10.0
	of Broad Street Carnaby Market
	Hosier to James Basire of Great
	Queen Street Lincolns Inn ffields
	seven years Consṇ £52.10._ paid
	by his ffather . . . . . .

The information is summarized (Ms. Register of Duties, National Archives, Kew, ref. IR 1/27 [reproduced in Phillips, William Blake: Apprentice & Master 28-29, fig. 13]): “18    James Basire    Citizen and Stationer of London    William Blake    Ind. 1    4 August 1772    7 from date    52 10    2 12 6,” signifying that James Basire took as an apprentice William Blake in Industry [not in “Arts,” as the entry above him reads] for a fee of £52.10.0 and duty thereon of £2.12.6.

Pp. 18-19
For “Goss,” “Admission,” “Pres.,” read:
“Gosſ,” “Admisſion,” “Preſ.”

P. 22
In footnote *, for the paragraph “Stothard made a drawing ... Oct. 1780,” read:
Cumberland’s friend John Highmore (1750-84) records a sketching tour in Kent on 22-26 May 1779 with Cumberland and Thomas Stothard (Bonhams sale catalogue of 24 Mar. 2009, lot 109, cited by Robert N. Essick, “Blake in the Marketplace, 2009,” Blake 43.4 [spring 2010]: 135). On 24 May Cumberland and Stothard crossed “over the [Medway] River to Allington Castle [just north of Maidstone, Kent], to take views”; one of these views of the castle is Stothard’s drawing (now in the Tate) inscribed “1779.” Blake was not on this 1779 expedition (Shelley M. Bennett, Thomas Stothard: The Mechanisms of Art Patronage in England circa 1800 [Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1988] 91, suggests that Blake was on the 1779 sketching trip).

P. 30
To “‘in the Gothic manner,’” add a footnote:
Early Flaxman drawings of Gothic subjects inscribed by A. S. Mathew are discussed, and some reproduced, in David Bindman, “New Light on the Mathews: Flaxman and Blake’s Early Gothicism,” Blake in Our Time, ed. Karen Mulhallen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010) 95-104.

P. 32
To “Poetical Sketches” add a footnote:
Probably about the same time Blake or Flaxman gave Poetical Sketches (Y, now in the Essick collection) to John Hawkins, who inscribed the title page under “W. B.” (extended to “W. Blake”) “at M^r Taylors / Green St Leicester fields”, where Blake lived 1782-84. Below this he wrote “Paulum sepulta distat inertiæ / celata virtus”.The passage is from Horace, Odes, book 4, ode 9, ll. 29-30. The context is that brave men are unknown unless their deeds are celebrated by poets. “When courage lies hidden, it is little better than shame hushed up in the grave.”
Of course in 1782-84 when he lived in Green Street, Blake had scarcely any fame—or Latin either for that matter. He had exhibited a few pictures at the Royal Academy in 1780 (1) and 1784 (2), and he had signed 58 commercial engravings (none invented by him).See BR(2) 813-16. In 1782-84 only an enthusiastic admirer could have called him undeservedly obscure, and only a scholar would have done so in Latin.

P. 33
To footnote † add:
Blake’s press may have been made by “bumsted, Rolling-press-maker, 13, Old Bailey,” the only rolling-press maker listed in John Pendred, The London and Country Printers, Booksellers and Stationers vade mecum … (1785). The bed of the press was large enough to accommodate Blake’s color prints (76 to 77 cm. wide <Butlin #294, 306, 316, 320, 323>) and his “Canterbury Pilgrims” plate (94.9 cm. wide). It may have weighed 700 lb. (318 kg.), the weight of the eighteenth-century rolling press in the Science Museum (London), according to Michael Phillips, William Blake: Apprentice & Master (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2014) 118-19.

P. 39
To footnote † about Blake entries in the catalogue of the Royal Academy exhibition (1785), add:
In the copy owned by Sir John Soane (1753-1837) were “some items marked in pencil (e.g. works by William Blake),” according to the Soane Museum online catalogue.

P. 43
Add:
A subscription (?1785) to enable “Mrs. RYLAND and her [6] CHILDREN” “to purchase some of his Plates at the ensuing auction” was contributed to by about eighty individuals, including Alderman Boydell (£5.5.0), J. Johnson (£1.1.0), Gainsborough (£1.1.0), and “Mr. Blake” (10s. 6d.), who may be the poet.Victoria and Albert Museum Press Cuttings, vol. 1, f. 251. Mrs. Ryland was the widow of William Wynne Ryland, to whom it was proposed that Blake should be apprenticed (BR[2] 665fn).

P. 44
To “‘Mrs. Blake went out with half a crown, all the money they had in the world, and of that laid out 1s. 10d.,’” add a footnote:
Blake’s early acquaintance J. T. Smith wrote (1828) that Blake composed his works in illuminated printing in an “impervious liquid.” Blake’s friend John Linnell, an engraver and painter, explained that this “impervious liquid” (which Linnell calls a “glutinous liquid”) was “the usual stopping as it is called used by engravers made chiefly of pitch and diluted with Terps” (BR[2] 609). John Jackson (1801–48), a wood engraver, called it “Burgundy pitch” (A Treatise on Wood Engraving … [1839]) (BR[2] 45).
The costs for the materials needed for Blake’s works in illuminated printing were turpentine, 6-8d. per pint, asphaltum, 6d.-1s. per ounce, cheap camel’s hair brushes, 1d. each, and linseed oil, 6d. per pint (Joseph Viscomi, Blake and the Idea of the Book [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993] 56, citing the Artist’s Repository and Drawing Magazine [1784-86] 2: 21, 61-62, 67). Of course some of these materials were already in Blake’s studio.

P. 48
Add:
In June 1788, Thomas Owen was apprenticed to William Blake, engraver, of St. James’s Parish, for a fee of fifty guineas (£52.10.0) (see illus.; the record is also reproduced in Michael Phillips, William Blake: Apprentice & Master [Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2014] 84-85).David Alexander, “William Blake, graveur d’interprétation,” William Blake (1757-1827): Le Génie visionnaire du romantisme anglais (Paris: Petit Palais/Paris Musées, [2009]) 79-81. Alexander’s information derives from the Apprenticeship Books 1710-1811 (IR1) in the National Archives. A fee of £2.12.6 was payable. The poet-engraver is the only engraver named William Blake in St. James’s Parish in 1788. (William Staden Blake [1748-?1817], engraver and print-publisher, was from 1784 to 1817 at ’Change-Alley, Cornhill, City of London [BR(2) 839].) This may be the Thomas Owen who helped to make the huge lithographs for The Architectural Antiquities of Rome, Measured and Delineated by G. L. Taylor and Edward Cresy, 2 vols. (London, 1821, 1822). Alexander suggests that he may be Thomas Owen, history and landscape engraver, of 16 Newman Street, corner of Fetter Lane (he gives no other detail). He may be the Thomas, son of William and Mary Owen, who was born on 11 Nov. 1775 and christened on 1 Dec. 1775 at St. Botolph without Aldersgate. A note on RootsChat.com, which I have not been able to verify, says that this Thomas Owen was an historical engraver who died in 1851. In June 1788 he would have been 12 1/2, somewhat young to begin his apprenticeship. Robert N. Essick, “Blake in the Marketplace, 2010,” Blake 44.4 (spring 2011): 141, suggests that the hand of Thomas Owen may be found in the anonymous prints dated Oct. 1790 to Mar. 1791 in C. G. Salzmann’s Elements of Morality (trans. Mary Wollstonecraft) (1791): “They are technically quite simple, in comparison with Blake’s other etchings/engravings of the period, and contain awkward patches . . . . Perhaps the basic similarities in graphic syntax, but differences in the skillfulness of execution, between Blake’s pls. for Mary Wollstonecraft’s Original Stories from Real Life (1791) and the Salzmann pls. reveal the distinction between master and apprentice.” The fee is the same as that paid by Blake’s father for his son’s apprenticeship in 1772 to James Basire and was Basire’s standard charge.Basire received £52.10.0 for new apprentices in 1765, 1772 (Blake), 1773 (James Parker), and 1779; he was paid £47.5.0 in 1770 and £63 in 1783 and 1785. Of course he took no fee for his own sons in 1781, 1784, and 1787 (BR[2] 15). Owen is the only apprentice Blake is known to have had. The most important clause of the indenture was that the master “shall Teach and Instruct” his apprentice his “Art and Mystery,” “finding unto his said Apprentice, Meat, Drink, Apparel, Lodging, and all other Necessaries.”BR(2) 14. Presumably, therefore, Owen lived with the Blakes at 28 Poland Street in 1788-90 and moved with them across the river to the large house at 13 Hercules Buildings for the balance of his apprenticeship in 1790-95.
During the time of the apprenticeship, Blake was particularly busy with commercial engravings, including those for Salzmann’s Elements of Morality (1791), Wollstonecraft’s Original Stories (1791), Darwin’s Botanic Garden (1791, 1795), Gay’s Fables (1793), and Stedman’s Narrative (1796). Owen must have become increasingly useful to him, polishing plates, mixing ink, laying in the outlines, and pulling proofs. Of course Blake’s name as the master appeared on the prints with which Owen helped, just as Basire’s name appeared on the prints Blake helped to engrave when he was an apprentice.
Owen’s assistance with commercial engravings must have contributed to free Blake to pursue his newly invented technique of relief etching. Most of Blake’s own writings in illuminated printing were created during the period of Owen’s apprenticeship.
Blake had never become a Freeman of the Stationers’ Company, which would have qualified him to set up in business and take apprentices in the City of London. However, Blake’s printselling business with James Parker in 1784-85 and his training of Thomas Owen in 1788-95 were in Westminster rather than the City of London, and apparently they were not governed by the guild statutes.BR(2) 17. Consequently the apprenticeship was not recorded in the registers of the Stationers’ Company, though Blake’s own apprenticeship had been recorded there.

P. 57
To footnote *, after “in the BMPR,” add:
Blake’s “large collection of works of the mystical writers” included The Mystical Initiations; or, Hymns of Orpheus, trans. Thomas Taylor (1787), which he marked extensively.

P. 59
After “‘angry and bewildered,’” add:
Blake’s father, James Blake, voted in 1749, 1774, 1780, and 1784, his brother John voted in 1784 and 1788,BR(2) 735, 736, 742. and his sometime partner “James Parker N.^o 27 Broad Street Engraver” voted in 1788 and 1790. The only time the poet went to the polls was in the election held 14 June-2 July 1790, when his vote for Fox was recorded under William Blake, Engraver, Poland Street, St. James, Piccadilly.London Lives 1690 to 1800. I am sorry to report that BR(2) 736 says “The poet himself never voted.” There are two manuscript St. James Parish poll books for 1790 in Middlesex County Record Office; according to my notes, one is mildewed, and most of the names have vanished entirely. The William Blake of Poland Street must have been recorded in the mildewed book and printed in a poll book I have not seen.

P. 62
For the prospectuses for Hume’s History of England in the Oracle for 13 and 14 January 1792, read:
13-14, 30 January 1792The advertisement of 30 Jan. 1792 was pointed out to me by Mark Crosby.

P. 71
For “the Blakes moved into Hercules Buildings (in 1790),” read:
the Blakes moved into Hercules Buildings (in 1791)

P. 75
After “‘by the author,’” add:
Anon., “Varieties, Literary and Philosophical; Including Notices of Works in Hand. From the Same [Monthly Magazine],” Edinburgh Magazine ns 8 (Dec. 1796): 447-50, contains a notice very similar to that in the Monthly Magazine of Nov. 1796 (see BR[2] 74).

P. 78
For the Tilloch document read:
In the spring of 1797 Alexander Tilloch invented a form of bank-note which, he claimed, could not be effectively forged. His purpose was in part to mitigate the savagery of the ineffectual laws against uttering false bank-notes; mere possession of a forged bill, however inadvertent, could be a hanging offense.
Tilloch printed a sample of his £5 Bank of England note, signed “A. Tilloch fecit.”, and below wrote a manuscript testimonial for it which was signed by twelve eminent engravers.The manuscript document, in an unnamed private collection, was published, with the original lineation, by Mark Crosby, “Blake and the Banknote Crises of 1797, 1800, and 1818,” University of Toronto Quarterly 80.4 (2011): 823; the banknote, but not the manuscript, is reproduced on 824. Blake signed in his copperplate hand with a pointed nib opposite the name of his old master, James Basire.
This document, with trifling normalizations, with the addition of the names of seven engravers who were apparently not present on 5 April 1797 (John Anderson, Richard Austin, Francesco Bartolozzi, Mariano Bovi, Thomas Holloway, Wilson Lowry, and William Sharp), and with honorific titles for the engravers, was printed for submission to the Bank of England [as transcribed in part in BR(2) 78; see the transcription of names].

P. 78
In footnote *, delete the sentence “The testimonials …,” and after “and others,” add a new paragraph:
In the context of a new spate of bank-note forgeries, Tilloch’s proposal of 1797 was summarized in [Alexander Tilloch], Star [London, ed. Tilloch] 29 April 1800; the proposal was said to have been “recommended by almost every eminent artist in the Kingdom,” including Blake. The testimonial and signatures were reprinted in Anon. [?Alexander Tilloch], “Forged Bank-Notes,” European Magazine 73 (March 1818): 237, Literary Panorama, and National Register ns 8 (Aug. 1818): column 715, and [Alexander Tilloch], Philosophical Magazine 56 (July 1820): 63-66, in an effort to enforce Tilloch’s long-ignored claims upon the Bank of England.

P. 79
After “Oriental Scenery,” add:
It was perhaps in the autumn of 1797 that Flaxman acquired from Blake copies of America (S), Thel (S), Europe (N), Visions (S), and Urizen (K) bound together. Then or later he bought For Children: The Gates of Paradise (F), Songs of Innocence (D), and Songs of Innocence and of Experience (O). At the prices listed in Blake’s prospectus To the Public (1793), the costs would have been: America 10s. 6d., Thel 3s., Visions 7s. 6d., Europe 10s. 6d., and Urizen 10s. 6d. Europe (18 folio prints) and Urizen (28 quarto prints) are not listed in the prospectus, but they probably cost the same as America (18 folio prints); all three are the same price in Blake’s letters of 9 June 1818 (£5.5.0) and 12 Apr. 1827 (£6.6.0).
The £2.2.0 Flaxman paid Blake in early October 1797 (see Accounts, below) may be for the bound volume of America (S), Thel (S), Europe (N), Visions (S), and Urizen (K).

P. 79
After “Young’s Night Thoughts was probably published in November” 1797, add a footnote:
Advertisements saying that it was published “This Day” appeared in the True Briton (31 March 1798) and the Times (9, 11 July 1798), but the formula “This Day is published” meant merely “for sale,” with little chronological significance. These advertisements were first recorded in Wayne C. Ripley, “‘In Great Forwardness’?: 1798 Advertisements for Volume Two of William Blake’s Night Thoughts,” Notes and Queries 256 (ns 58).1 (March 2011): 57-59, and are also transcribed and discussed in G. E. Bentley, Jr., “William Blake and His Circle: A Checklist of Publications and Discoveries in 2011,” Blake 46.1 (summer 2012) (under Young in Part III).

P. 80
After “‘the raving of insanity’” add:
Richard Edwards went out of business not long after Night Thoughts was published, and the book was scarcely advertised after publication. Most records of it during Blake’s lifetime are in the catalogues of secondhand dealers.See Wayne C. Ripley, “Printed References to and Known Prices of Blake’s Night Thoughts, 1796-1826,” Blake 43.2 (fall 2009): 72-75.

P. 80
After “‘for my library—’" add:
Blake’s designs for Bürger’s Leonora (1796) were described in Lenore Ballade von Bürger in drei englischen übersetzungen [ed. Johann Joachim Eschenburg] (Göttingen: Johann Christian Dieterich, 1797) 5-6.

P. 90
To “strained his income” add a footnote:
Eventually Butts was quite prosperous. After the Muster-Master General’s office was abolished on 25 September 1818, Thomas Butts, first clerk, with 35 years of service, received an annual pension of £430, according to Estimates and Accounts: Army; Navy; Ordnance..., vol. 11 (1820) n. pag. <Harvard>.

P. 90
To “Betsy [Butts] had a boarding school for girls at 9 Great Marlborough Street,” add a footnote:
Her school had previously been in South Molton Street, for the will (March 1790, probated 1792) of Captain James Denty (d. April 1790 in Cawnpore, India) of the East India Trading Company identified “my natural Daughter Elizabeth Denty a Girl of about seven years of age now at Mrs. Butts Boarding School in South Molton Street near Hanover Square” (Mary Lynn Johnson, “More on Blake’s (and Bentley’s) ‘White Collar Maecenas’: Thomas Butts, His Wife’s Family of Artisans, and the Methodist Withams of St. Bartholomew the Great,” Blake in Our Time: Essays in Honour of G. E. Bentley Jr, ed. Karen Mulhallen [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010] 148).

P. 90
For “1785-90” read:
1785-91

P. 91
For “probably Hayley had planned all along,” read:
Hayley had ambitious plans for decorating it. He wrote to Flaxman describing the library in detail and requesting the sculptor to make twelve busts for it.Letter from Hayley to Flaxman [no date given] offered but not sold at Sotheby’s (London), 13 Dec. 2016, lot 31, with an extra-illustrated copy of J. T. Herbert Baily, Emma, Lady Hamilton: A Biographical Essay with a Catalogue of Her Published Portraits (1905). Later he commissioned Blake ….

P. 99
For “having had to shift their sixteen boxes and portfolios to seven different chaises during the course of the trip,” read:
On 21 September 1800, Blake wrote to Flaxman that “we had a great deal of Luggage,” including “Sixteen heavy boxes & portfolios full of prints,” which they had to shift “from one Chaise to another for we had Seven Different Chaises.” These heavy boxes probably included his large printing press, professional tools (gravers, etching needles, knives, burnishers, hammers, oilstone for sharpening knives, magnifying glass, sandbag for supporting copperplates while engraving, solid ink and a marble slab for rolling it out, dabbers for inking, paper, unused copperplates, canvases,In his letter to Butts of 22 Nov. 1802, Blake writes of the “Canvas which I brought down with me (for there were three).” paintbrushes, statues [from his apprentice days]“His father bought for him [casts of] the Gladiator, the Hercules, the Venus of Medicis, and various heads, hands, and feet,” according to Malkin’s Memoirs (1806) (BR[2] 562).), copperplates,See G. E. Bentley, Jr., “Blake’s Heavy Metal: The History, Weight, Uses, Cost, and Makers of His Copper Plates,’ University of Toronto Quarterly 76.2 (2007): 739-40. prints (separate prints by Blake and miscellaneous antiquarian prints), drawings, manuscripts, books, the Blakes’ library (see BB pp. 681-702 and BBS pp. 313-25), and household goods (clothing, blankets, towels, kitchen implements).
Of course most of these materials had previously been laboriously moved from 23 Green Street (1782-84) to 27 Broad Street (1784-85) and thence to 28 Poland Street (1785-90) and 13 Hercules Buildings (1790-1800), and later they were carried from Felpham (1800-03) to 17 South Molton Street (1803-21) and thence to 3 Fountain Court (1821-27).

P. 103
After “‘used to admire—,’” add:
A colored copy of Little Tom was probably sent also to John Flaxman.The colored copy of Little Tom in the Willis and Sotheran sale catalogue of 25 June 1862, lot 118, follows six works from Flaxman’s library (lots 116-17) and may, like them, have belonged to Flaxman.

P. 115
To “‘a second [copy of the book] in Germany,’” add a footnote:
A copy of “Young’s Night Thoughts, decorated with appropriate Designs, by Mr. Blake, Part. I” had been listed by Ludwig Schubart, Englische Blätter (Erlangen, 1798).

P. 117
Add:
On 10 January 1802 Blake wrote to Butts that he would rather have his pictures “preservd in your Green House (not as you mistakenly call it dung hill) than in the cold gallery of fashion.” Butts’s gallery may have been in the former stables on Blenheim Mews, just behind his residence at 9 Great Marlborough StreetOn 24 Sept. 1792, “Thomas Butts N^o 9 Great Marlborough Street Coal Merchant” insured with the Sun Fire Office his “now dwelling House only Brick” for “Fifteen hundred pounds,” and his “Stable Coachhouse & Brewhouse adjoining in Blenheim Mews Brick” for “Two hundred pounds,” and on 21 July 1796 he insured his “Household Goods” for £450, his “Printed Books, Plate, & Pictures” for £150 (“Fifty pounds on each”), his “Wearing Apparel” for £100, and his “Prints Drawings & Needle Work” for £50 (see Mary Lynn Johnson, “Newfound Particulars of Blake’s Patrons, Thomas and Elizabeth Butts, 1767–1806,” Blake 47.4 [spring 2014]). In 1796, the only Blakes that Butts may have owned were Poetical Sketches (B) and Pity <Butlin #310, color print>. (see Horwood’s map on p. xiii).

P. 139
After “‘the bookseller in Pall Mall,’” add a footnote:
The 15 numbers of Hayley’s Designs to a Series of Ballads sold by Evans of Pall Mall (Blake’s letter of 26 Oct. 1803) must have included 5 copies each of #3-4 (10 in all) for Lady Hesketh, “my Sist^r [Theodora] and some other friends” (BR[2] 146) (probably Lord and Lady Harcourt, Richard Hurd, and Dr. Randolph, who took #1 through her [BR(2) 132]), 1 copy of #1-3 (3 in all) that Anna Seward took through the booksellers (BR[2] 150), and 1 copy through Conder’s in Bucklesbury (BR[2] 145-46). This means that Evans may have sold only 1 copy or none through the 3 Bath libraries which displayed copies (BR[2] 132) or from the “long list of Cowpers” whom Lady Hesketh had directed to subscribe (BR[2] 135).

P. 147
Add:
Charlotte Smith wrote to the booksellers Cadell & Davies on 16 December 1802: “M^r Hayley informd my daughter some time since that he would order his last publication about animals (the title I forget) to be left at Y^r Shop for her perusal to be returnd for the profit of the person who made the drawings. If it is there, be so good as to let me know.”Judith Phillips Stanton, ed., The Collected Letters of Charlotte Smith (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003) 503. The reference was pointed out by Angus Whitehead, “A Further Reference to William Blake in the Letters of Charlotte Smith,” Blake 43.2 (fall 2009): 78.

P. 167
For “In September ... though the two men,” read:
When the Blakes returned from Felpham in September, they may have stayed for a time with his brother in Broad Street, but by 26 October Blake was writing from 17 South Molton Street. Here they stayed for eighteen years, probably in diminishing circumstances.
Even after his return to London, away from Hayley’s protection and interference, Hayley and Blake …

P. 179
In “Blake seems to have felt that two of the magistrates were predisposed against him,” for “two” read “three,” and after “71 of Jerusalem,” add:
, and the ruthless, bellicose Hand in Jerusalem is probably the bellicose, ruthless Duke of Richmond,See the persuasive argument in Susanne Sklar, “‘In the Mouth of a True Orator’ (Jerusalem’s Operating Instructions),” University of Toronto Quarterly 80.4 (2011): 837-57. who, according to Hayley, “was bitterly prejudiced against Blake.”BR(2) 183.

P. 186
Omit “‘which we must take the liberty of regarding as a purely visionary notion,’” and add:
There is evidence that Blake’s trial was managed by the government, though not to the extent of sending Scolfield to entrap him. Blake was right in deploring the “Hirelings in the Camp, the Court” (Milton pl. 1).
It is a curious fact, apparently not remarked by any of Blake’s contemporarieNote that “assault” included “putting in fear,” as with threats, and was not confined to bodily harm. The common law charge of assault was not addressed at the Chichester trial.s, that the court of quarter sessions, which had jurisdiction in cases of common law such as assault,Note that “assault” included “putting in fear,” as with threats, and was not confined to bodily harm. The common law charge of assault was not addressed at the Chichester trial. had no jurisdiction in cases of statutory law, such as sedition and seduction from duty. Statutory cases had to be tried in a higher court, such as the assizes. There were only four other cases of sedition tried in 1803-04, and all were properly tried at the assizes.See Mark Crosby, “‘A Fabricated Perjury’: The [Mis]Trial of William Blake,” Huntington Library Quarterly 72 (2009): 29-47. One of the accused was freed for lack of witnesses, and three were convicted, two of whom were sentenced to three months in prison, whilst the sentence of the other was not recorded. In all four cases, the evidence was first exhibited to the Home Office, which judged a conviction likely and provided funds for the prosecution. No such application to the Home Office was made in Blake’s case.

P. 204
To “‘Mr. Weller,’” add a footnote:
John Weller, cabinetmaker, wood carver, and auctioneer of 92 East Street, Chichester (Morton D. Paley, “William Blake and Chichester,” Blake in Our Time, ed. Karen Mulhallen [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010] 217).

P. 208
Add:
In her letter to Hayley of 30 October 1805, Caroline Watson referred to Hayley’s commission to her to order copies of his Ballads (1805) to be sent by the bookseller Richard Phillips to Hayley’s friends.David Alexander, Caroline Watson and Female Printmaking in Late Georgian England (Cambridge: Fitzwilliam Museum, 2014) [catalogue of an exhibition 23 Sept. 2014–4 Jan. 2015] 109. Watson’s letter is in the Fitzwilliam Museum.

P. 227
In footnote *, for “in the possession of Mr Wilfred Warrington,” read:
in Princeton University Library

P. 227
Add:
In July Cromek placed an announcement in the Universal Magazine:

Similar notices subsequently appeared in the Monthly Magazine (Aug. 1806) and Monthly Anthology, and Boston Review (Oct. 1806).See Wayne C. Ripley, “The Early Marketing of The Grave in London and Boston,” Blake 43.3 (winter 2009-10): 109-10.

P. 234
To “‘rapt poetic expression,’” add a footnote:
T. H. Cromek reported a conversation with John Pye (1782-1874) about an engraving of Phillips’s portrait of Blake: “Blake, he said, was a vulgar looking man; the expression in the eyes, in the print, was an invention” (Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 2, folder 1).

P. 245
Before the entry for 1 August 1807, add:
In the summer of 1807, Cromek traveled north soliciting subscriptions for his edition of Blair’s Grave and for the engraving from Stothard’s Pilgrimage to Canterbury. On 11 July 1807 he wrote from Edinburgh to his wife, “My dearest Bessy”:

P. 252
Add:
Cromek advertised The Grave in curiously different ways at the same time. In the Leeds Mercury for 4 June 1808 appeared his advertisement for

To compare this advertisement with that published on 9 June in the Bristol Gazette, the date of publication of The Grave is said to be “the First Day of July” rather than “about six weeks,” Schiavonetti and the Royal Academy subscribers are not mentioned, nor are there impressions to be seen in Leeds as there were in Bristol.

P. 257
To the footnote ending “‘touched the infinite in expression,’” add:
An anonymous review of Scott’s Of Man, Six Monograms (1831) in the London Literary Gazette no. 736 (26 Feb. 1831): 139, makes “a comparison not to his [Scott’s] disadvantage with the best things of Blake, Fuseli, Flaxman, and even Michael Angelo.”

P. 258
After “W.B.S.,” add:
On 11 July 1808, C. Griffith of Sarum wrote to Ozias Humphry at the Prince of Wales Hotel, Sloane Street, Knightsbridge, saying that she cannot deal with the newspapers and suggesting that Humphry give them to Blake[?] to care for.Royal Academy Archives HU/7/17, summarized as above in the archive catalogue. I know nothing of the context and strongly suspect that the individual is not Humphry’s friend, the poet-painter William Blake.

P. 259
Add to the footnote about Phillips’s portrait of Blake:
There was a chorus of praise for Schiavonetti’s engraving: Anon., “Monthly Retrospect of the Fine Arts,” Monthly Magazine 29, no. 7 (1 July 1810): 576-78, a memorial of Schiavonetti (“His etchings for Blair’s Grave; his head of Blake, after Philips’s [sic] picture; are wonders in the style he adopted” [577]); Anon., “Exhibition at the Gallery (in Pall Mall) of the British Institution ... 1816,” New Monthly Magazine 5, no. 26 (1 Mar. 1816): 154 (the “Portrait of Thomas Bewick,” engraved by Thomas Ranson after William Nicholson, is “a brilliant portrait ... in a style of excellence and originality seldom witnessed, and surpassed only by the extraordinarily fine portrait of Mr. Blake by Schiavonetti after the academician Philips [sic]”); Anon., “Fine Arts. Wilkie’s Blind Man’s Buff,” Manchester Iris 1, no. 22 (29 June 1822): 170 (Schiavonetti’s “portraits of Vandyke and Blake ... entitle him to a high rank ...”).

P. 262
In the letter of 13 Aug. 1808, for “‘Grave,’” “amongst,” “and I hope,” read “Grave,” “among,” “& I hope”. After “approbation,” the next sentence does not begin a paragraph.

P. 262
To the letter of 13 Aug. 1808 add:

Money to receive.	£
Mr. Thos. Bewick --------------------	0.0.0
John Davidson, Esqr. Rec’d 6 Feby ----	2.2.0
Thos. Davidson, Esqr. Paid 7 Jany ----	2.2.0
Middleton Hewitson Esqr. returned the Book	2.2.0
Mr. Mitchell Printer ------------------------	1.11.6
Mr. Richard Miller, Books -------------	3.3.0
Mr. Miller Mr. Hewitson’s Book returnd	1.11.6
One of the Davidson’s paid me a Guinea & having lost or mislaid my Memorandum Book I cannot tell which; nor am I quite certain that Mr. Redhead paid me but I think he did.

Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 1, folder 1, leaf 4.

P. 262
In the footnote, for “in the possession of Mr Wilfred Warrington,” read:
in Princeton University Library

P. 264
To footnote ‡ about the author of Letters from an Irish Student, add:
The review in the Eclectic Review (Oct. 1809): 965-67 provides evidence “to doubt the genuineness of these ‘Letters’” and notes the number of adulatory references to Richard Phillips (e.g., “Amongst the most enterprising booksellers of the day, I am informed that Mr. Sheriff Phillips takes the lead”), “though the name of Richard Phillips is not on the title-page,” and the review in the Universal Magazine (reprinted in Select Reviews, and Spirit of the Foreign Magazines [Philadelphia] 3.14 [1810]: 85-87) says of the Letters, “their origin is to be found in the wish of the bookseller and the writer to make a saleable commodity.”
The “Irish” student had good information, for Blake had defended Fuseli in the context of Michael Angelo in his letter to the editor (Richard Phillips) of the Monthly Magazine 21 (1 July 1806): 520-21.

P. 279
To the footnote ending “writing backwards,” add:
Cumberland’s essay was reprinted in “Hints on Various Modes, etc. ... (Journal de Nicholson, No. 126),” Bibliothèque britannique; ou recueil extrait des ouvrages anglais périodiques ... [Geneva] 50 (1812): 69-76.

P. 281
Add:
On 25 June 1809 Cromek wrote to Thomas Bewick in Newcastle: “I thank you very kindly for your exertions relative to my publication of The Grave: and if I could serve you here, tenfold, be assured I should feel most happy to do it. . . .
[Postscript] A Cap.^t Bainbridge called here some time ago, in my absence, for M.^r Hewitsons Copy of the Grave. My wife, not knowing I had sent it to you, gave him one: so that M:^r Hewitson’s copy has been returned to you. I received 1.1.0 of Cap.^t Bainbridge: the other Guinea was paid by M.^r Hewitson. RHC.”Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 1, folder 1, leaf 5. Under “Newcastle-upon-Tyne” in the Grave subscription list there were 7 names, including “Mr. Thomas Bewick” and “Middleton Hewitson, Esq.”

P. 282
Before the entry for August 1809, add:
On 4 August 1809 Cromek in Edinburgh wrote a joint letter to his wife (“My dearest love”) and to his sister (“My dear Maria”) about his various commercial enterprises. The letter begins: “I wish you would go out to Mr. Schiavonetti & see what he is about. I think it very proper. Have you got any Money for The Grave?”The letter is quoted from a reproduction of the manuscript in the Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 1, folder 2.

P. 287
Add:
Cromek wrote to Thomas Bewick on 20 December 1809 saying that having paid Schiavonetti 300 guineas (part of the total payment of 800 guineas for engraving Stothard’s painting of the Canterbury Pilgrims), he finds himself in a state of penury and asks if Bewick has “a few guineas about your town” from the subscriptions for Blair’s Grave.Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 1, folder 1, leaf 6.

P. 301
To “‘etching of Mr. Blake’s portrait,’” add a footnote:
In a letter apparently postmarked 1810, Schiavonetti wrote: “I wish to know whether it would make any material difference was I to execute it [a portrait of Lord Grey] in a free line manner similar to Blake’s Portrait for Mr Cromek ...” (one of three letters postmarked 1803-10 offered in the auction catalogue of Bonhams [London], 29 March 2011, lot 326, no recipient identified).

P. 304
To “Mr. Clark as Filch,” add a footnote:
The information about Blake and The Beggar’s Opera is also given by Juninus, “Conversations on the Arts,” Repository of Arts no. 56 (Aug. 1813): 63.

P. 306
After “‘the poetical sketches of Mr. Blake,’” add:
Leigh Hunt returned to the attack on Blake in October 1810 in the context of “the abuses of the Cabala—of the Great Secret,” of the Rosicrucians, Zoroaster ...: “Monsieur the Count de Gabalis may have had the power of invisibility,—a very common virtue with such sages; and the egregious Mr. Blake, who wages such war with Titian and Corregio both in his writings and paintings, may tell us that he is inspired by certain spirits to alter the human figure;—but to be out of sight can as little benefit mankind as to be out of nature.”[James Henry Leigh Hunt], “Art. XI.—Account of a Familiar Spirit, who visited and conversed with the Author in a manner equally new and forcible, shewing the Carnivorous Duties of all Rational Beings and the true End of Philosophy,” Reflector, a Quarterly Magazine ... Conducted by the Editor of the Examiner [Leigh Hunt] 1 (Oct. 1810): 88. When the essay was reprinted as “The Nightmare” in Leigh Hunt’s The Seer; or, Common-Places Refreshed, part 2 (1841), the first three paragraphs, including the Blake passage, were omitted (according to Essick, “Blake in the Marketplace, 2009,” Blake 43.4 [spring 2010]: 129). For earlier attacks on Blake by the Hunts, see BR(2) 258-61, 263.

P. 306
Add:
Blake’s great engraving of “Chaucers Canterbury Pilgrims” was “Published October 8. 1810”, and at least one copy was colored by Blake but not sold. It is inscribed: “This print was colored by the artist W. Blake, and given by Mrs Blake to F. Tatham Esq^r.”.Robert N. Essick, The Separate Plates of William Blake: A Catalogue (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983) 62 (copy 2C, in a private collection).

P. 306
Add:
Cromek wrote to Thomas Bewick in Newcastle on 24 December 1810: “I must now make my most grateful acknowledgements for your exertions in collecting the money for Blair’s Grave. I am really ashamed that your fellow Townsmen should have trespassed so much on your patience and time. . . .Of course the trespasser was Cromek.
[Postscript] The Plate of the Canterbury Pilgrimage is advancing & will be ready for Publication next winter. M.^r Schiavonetti’s Etching will be finished by M^r Bromley & myself. I think you have one Book of The Grave left. If you have pray present it to your Son with my Respects.—”Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 1, folder 1, leaf 7.

P. 310
After the first paragraph, add:
In his essay in Vaterländisches Museum, Crabb Robinson had written that “we wish to make our author as well known as possible.”BR(2) 601. His wish was partly fulfilled in an essay, apparently by Ariel,It is not clear to me whether “Ariel” at the very end is a pseudonym for the author of the essay or serves some other purpose. Ariel does not recur in Morgenblatt. called “Zeichen der Zeit in Blicken auf die englische Literatur: | Blake, Dichter, Schwärmer und Mahler zugleich,” Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände [Tübingen] no. 86 (10 Apr. 1811): 341-43. The essay contains nothing about Blake beyond what Robinson had written save for occasionally relevant references to Fisher Ames, Johann Daniel Falk, Schelling, and Ludwig Tieck, who were not elsewhere mentioned in connection with Blake during his lifetime. The most interesting novelty of the essay is its imitation in German of “The Tyger,” which is quite distinct from that in Vaterländisches Museum. See the English translation and notes.

P. 330
At bottom of the page, add:
In October 1817 appeared an obituary of the young engraver and painter Richard Bean (1792-1817), who made “an exquisite portrait he engraved of Blake from Sc[h]iavonetti, when he had not been more than two years under the tuition of a master.” “Among English painters the sublime conceptions of Blake, the epic compositions of Barry, and the unrivalled graces of Stothard, were the object of his admiration, attention, and imitation.”Anon., “Richard Bean, Esq.,” Gentleman’s Magazine 87 (Oct. 1817): 368-69. In the National Portrait Gallery is an undated engraving by Richard Bean of Joseph Goupy (NPG D2795). Charles George Dyer, Biographical Sketches of the Lives and Characters of Illustrious and Eminent Men (London: C. G. Dyer and H. Setchel and Son, 1819) is dedicated “To the memory of my most excellent and accomplished friend, Richard Bean.” Dyer was with Bean when he drowned at Hastings on 24 June 1817.

P. 342
Add:
Blake wrote with a list of his prices to Dawson Turner on 9 June 1818 and to his old friend George Cumberland on 12 April 1827. In each case he was offering to print and color new copies; the 1827 letter said that he had “none remaining of all that I had Printed.” The books are listed in the same curious order in each letter.

Book	Price in 1818	Price in 1827
America	£5.5.0	£6.6.0
Europe	£5.5.0	£6.6.0
Visions of the Daughters of Albion	£3.3.0	£5.5.0
The Book of Thel	£2.2.0	£3.3.0
Songs of Innocence	£3.3.0
Songs of Experience	£3.3.0
Songs of Innocence and of Experience		£10.10.0
The First Book of Urizen	£5.5.0	£6.6.0
Milton	£10.10.0
Jerusalem		£21.0.0

The lists omit The Book of Ahania (1795), The Book of Los (1795), and The Song of Los (1795), all of which are color printed.Blake also had the copperplates of For Children: The Gates of Paradise (1793), which he adapted in For the Sexes: The Gates of Paradise (1826?), but they are not colored. The Book of Ahania and The Book of Los are probably on recto and verso of the same copperplates, and only one copy is known of each. In 1820 Blake still had colored copies of The Song of Los, but probably he no longer had the copperplates.

The lists also omit The Marriage of Heaven and Hell, though Blake still had the copperplates and sold a few copies later. The printseller Edward Evans acquired a copy from him in 1820, John Linnell bought Marriage (H) from him for £2.2.0 on 30 April 1821,BR(2) 774. Francis Douce acquired Marriage (B) in April 1821, and T. G. Wainewright bought Marriage (I), watermarked 1825, in February 1827. Perhaps Blake felt cautious about offending the religious sensibilities of his customers with “The voice of the Devil” and Proverbs of Hell.

After 1820, Blake made copies of his works chiefly for friends: Linnell, America (O) and Europe (K) (watermarked 1818, 1819, 1820), on 8 August 1821 for £1 (“not finished”); James Vine, Songs of Innocence and of Experience (V, watermarked 1818); the Bishop of Limerick, Songs (W, watermarked 1818, 1825), sold on 2 March 1830; Wainewright, Songs (X, watermarked 1825), in February 1827; Henry Crabb Robinson, Songs (Z, watermarked 1825), acquired about 1826; and Mrs. Charles Aders, Songs (AA), delivered on 10 December 1825, for £5.5.0.

In [July] 1820 the printseller Edward Evans of 1 Great Queen Street issued a Catalogue of a Collection of Books; Chiefly Books of Prints, and Works Relative to the Arts. In it he offered as lot 382 Blake’s Works; viz. Song of Los; Europe, a Prophecy; Songs of Innocence; Songs of Experience;Probably a copy of Songs of Innocence and of Experience rather than separate copies of Songs of Innocence and Songs of Experience. Urizen; Marriage of Heaven and Hell; America, a Prophecy; and the Book of Thel; stitched, each 12s. ………… 1789The works here are dated 1789–95. No surviving copy corresponds plausibly with the Blakes in this sale.
^*_*^* The preceding Articles are all written, printed, and embellished by the Author; and are coloured equal to the Original Drawings. The fact that they were separately stitched suggests that they were in the form in which they came from Blake’s hands.

Note that Evans does not say that he has only one copy each of these works printed, colored, and stitched by Blake and Catherine. I suggest that Evans bought all the remaining copies Blake had. The price at which he offered separate copies, 12s., suggests that he had paid Blake 5s. or 6s. each, or £2 to £2.8.0. The price Blake asked for these works in 1818 was £30.9.0 (including £3.3.0 each for The Marriage of Heaven and Hell and The Song of Los, which are not listed there). Evans’s payments to Blake are the prices of despair.

Two works missing from the 1820 list are surprising: Milton (all four copies printed in 1811 and 1818) and Visions of the Daughters of Albion (copies N-P printed in 1818).The Book of Ahania and The Book of Los (1795) survive only in unique copies, and Jerusalem was not finished until 1820. Probably Blake had sold all the copies of Milton and Visions he had in hand. More surprising is the presence of The Song of Los, all copies of which were printed in 1795. Clearly Blake still had at least one left over in 1820.

Notice that the Evans list does not include type-printed copies of Blake’s works, some of which certainly remained in Blake’s possession. Twelve copies (A, G-N, P, R, U, X) of Poetical Sketches (1783) and at least one copy (C) of Descriptive Catalogue (1809) were not disposed of until after his death in 1827.For “Works Inherited by Catherine Blake in August 1827,” see G. E. Bentley, Jr., William Blake in the Desolate Market (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2014) 65-66.

Linnell reports in his letter of 3 April 1830 a similar act of despair: “It was here [Fountain Court, where the Blakes lived from 1821] that he began to feel the want of employment and before I knew his distress he had sold all his collection of old prints to Mess Colnaghi & Co.As far as I can determine, Colnaghi never issued print catalogues. … I represented his case to … the Royal academy [which made] … him a donation of 25£” on 28 June 1822.

Linnell became Blake’s chief supporter, buying the illuminated books mentioned above and commissioning designs and engravings from him, particularly Job (1826) and Dante (unfinished at Blake’s death in 1827).

P. 370
Add:
In his pocketbook for Saturday 3 June 1820, George Cumberland wrote that his son “Sydney came 12 oclock [illeg.] Went to see Blake—also to Surgeons college to introduce [?him] to Mr [William] Clift—,” the distinguished curator of the Hunterian Museum at the Royal College of Surgeons in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, and to discuss Clift’s purchase of a fossil.The information about this Cumberland pocketbook entry derives from Angus Whitehead, “‘Went to see Blake—also to Surgeons college’: Blake and George Cumberland’s Pocketbooks,” Blake in Our Time, ed. Karen Mulhallen (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010) 165-200. It seems likely to me that the person being introduced to Mr. Clift was not Blake (pace Whitehead) but Cumberland’s son Sydney, who often acted as his father’s agent in London.

P. 374
After “Henry Richter, Constable, and John Varley,” add:
In 1821 the Blakes moved to two rooms in the cul-de-sac of 3 Fountain Court, Strand, which they rented from Catherine’s brother-in-law, Henry Banes. Here they remained until Blake’s death in 1827.

P. 378
In footnote *, for “Lamb’s friend George Dyer,” read:
Charles George Dyer (1787-1840), whose intimate friend, the engraver and painter Richard Bean (1792-1817), profoundly admired “the sublime conceptions of Blake” (Gentleman’s Magazine 87 [Oct. 1817]: 369), and who dedicated to Bean his Biographical Sketches of ... Eminent Men (1819).

P. 385
After “‘gentle manliness,’” add:
An enigmatic reference to Blake appeared in October 1822: “Schon der berühmte Englische Dichter Blake besang prophetisch vor einem Decennium in seinem temple of Cove [?love] Griechenlands in Amerika wieder aufblühende Cultur.”Anon., “Was den Griechen noch übrig bleibt?” Politisches Journal nebst Anzeige von gelehrten und andern Sachen [Hamburg] Jahrgang 1822, no. 10 (Oct. 1822): 886. I know of no reference in Blake to a Temple of Cove or Love (though “Loves Temple” is in his “Everlasting Gospel”) or to Greece in America.

P. 387
For “James S. Deville asked permission to take a cast of Blake’s head,” read:
James De Ville took a cast of Blake’s head, probably at his Phrenological Museum at 367 Strand,See [James De Ville], Outlines of Phrenology, as an Accompaniment to the Phrenological Bust (London: Published by J. De Ville, 367, Strand, 1821). just opposite Fountain Court.

P. 387
After “‘we artists hate,’” add:
The account of Blake and other mystics originally published in Hazlitt’s essay “On the Old Age of Artists“ (Sept. 1823) is reprinted in Anon., “Table-Talk.—Old Age of Artists. (New Mon.),” Spirit of the English Magazines [Boston] 14 (1 Nov. 1823): 107-11 [and move here the quotation under 1826 from BR(2) 446-47: “Flaxman is ... gleaming between!”].

P. 388
Add:
In 1823 an essay entitled “The Juvenile Artist” appeared in The Percy Anecdotes. Original and Select. By Sholto and Reuben Percy [i.e., Joseph Clinton Robertson and Thomas Byerley] Brothers of the Benedictine Monastery, Mont Benger (London: T. Boys, 1823) 3: 159-61. The essay was silently lifted, with adjustments, from Malkin’s account (1806) of Blake’s youthful studies (“Mr. William Blake ... Gothicised imagination,” BR[2] 562-63), concluding: “Such was the occupation of Blake when a young apprentice, and the drawings which he made in his holiday hours at this period he afterwards engraved. They were published, and would not have reflected disgrace on artists of double his age and experience.”

P. 398
Under 4 August 1824, omit “Perhaps Blake brought ... C Blake” and most of the footnote (“The engraving ... own copy”), but leave the last paragraph of the footnote after deleting “also.”

P. 419
In footnote *, for “[1790-1800]” read:
[1791-1800]

P. 421
To “‘We are all partakers of the divine nature’—In this by the bye Bl: has but adopted an ancient Greek idea—Q^y of Plato[?]” add a footnote:
Note Blake’s underlining of the passage in The Mystical Initiations; or, Hymns of Orpheus, trans. Thomas Taylor (1787) 14-15: “the deity is an immense and perpetually exuberant fountain; whose streams originally filled and continually replenish the world with life.”

P. 439
After the first paragraph of footnote *, add:
The occupant on the floor above was John George Lohr, carver and gilder, who lived at no. 1 with his wife, Letitia Lohr, their 7 children (b. 1802-20), and their lodgers William Burbidge, clerk in the Excise Office, his wife, Rachel, and their two sons (baptized 1820, 1821) (see Angus Whitehead, “‘humble but respectable’: Recovering the Neighbourhood Surrounding William and Catherine Blake’s Last Residence, No. 3 Fountain Court, Strand, c. 1820-27,” University of Toronto Quarterly 80.4 [2011]: 863-65).

P. 456
In the phrase “James ... retired … to a house on Cirencester Place,” for “on Cirencester Place” read:
at 9 Buckingham Street, presumably with his sister

P. 457
Add:
Blake wrote on 15 March 1827 that “M^r Tatham Sen^r yesterday ... sat with me above an hour.” Perhaps on this occasion Catherine presented C. H. Tatham with a copy of Blake’s engraved portrait of Robert Hawker, inscribed:

Mr C Tatham
                       The humble is formed to adore;
                       the loving to associate
                                                        with eternal Love
                                                                        C Blake 

The engraving with the note affixed to it is in the Rosenwald Collection of the US National Gallery. The plate is dated 1 May 1820. It might also have been given to C. H. Tatham when Catherine was living with his son in 1828-29. The message is a quotation of ¶69 in Lavater’s Aphorisms (1788), which Blake had underlined in his own copy.

P. 457
After “‘all that I had Printed,’” add a footnote:
Blake had sold “all that I had Printed” to Edward Evans, who offered in his catalogue of [July] 1820, lot 382, America, The Book of Thel, Europe, The First Book of Urizen, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell, The Song of Los, Songs of Innocence, and Songs of Experience.

P. 457
In footnote †, for “(1790-1800)” read:
(1791-1800)

P. 461
To footnote ** to “Keen,” add:
Can “Keen” be related to Louisa Keen Viney, who married Frederick Tatham in 1831?

P. 462
In footnote **, for “I have no guesses to make about the preceding ‘Dante Coppers Crack off,’” read:
William Bell Scott wrote on the verso of the tempera on copper of The Nativity: “Don’t place this picture in the sun or near the fire, or it will crack off the Copper W.B.S. 1865” (Butlin #401).

P. 467
To footnote *, after “this obituary was reprinted in,” add:
Standard [London] (18 Aug. 1827)

P. 470
To the footnote about the Literary Chronicle, add:
It is largely reprinted in Anon., “Fanaticism,” Correspondent [New York] 3, no. 22 (21 June 1828): 348-49.

P. 479
To “‘and Mr. Sharp,’” add footnote:
Adrian, “John Flaxman,” Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände (18 Aug 1831): 261-64 <BBS p. 333>, cites the Annual Biography and Obituary about “Georg Cumberland, Sharp, Blake und besonders Stothard” (261).

P. 484
After “‘the Lear and Cordelia,’” add:
At the end of March, Catherine Blake apparently moved into the studio in 1 Queen Street, Mayfair, of Frederick Tatham, “whose domestic arrangements were entirely undertaken by her”Tatham’s memoir of Blake (BR[2] 690). [for 1 Queen Street, see Residences, below].

Pp. 486-87
After “‘F. Tatham Esqr.,’” add:
Catherine also gave to Tatham’s wife a copy of “The Man Sweeping the Interpreter’s Parlour.”A. E. Evans & Son catalogue ([1845]), lot 720: “a Stereotype design for Pilgrim’s Progress, presented by Mrs. Blake to Mrs. Tatham, 1828 ....”

P. 493
After “‘in this work,’[” ] add footnote:
In his On the Improvement of Society by the Diffusion of Knowledge ... (1833) <BBS pp. 452-53>), Thomas Dick quotes the description of the ghost of a flea from Varley’s Zodiacal Physiognomy (1829) and comments that, had he not seen Varley’s book, “we should have deemed it almost impossible that amid the light of the present age, any man capable of writing a grammatical sentence would seriously give such a description as that quoted above, and attach his belief to such absurdity and nonsense.”

P. 493
After “‘continuance anxiously,’” add:
Not long after the publication of Varley’s Zodiacal Physiognomy, Charles Lamb wrote an unpublished “Analytical Disquisition on Punch and Judy” in which he silently paraphrased Varley’s strange book: “As the mystical and no less gifted artist Blake made a microscopic drawing of a flea, and thereunto a calculation of what would be its powers of mischief if it were as big as a horse, so we may all bless our stars that Punch, who seems of the family of Brobdignags, was thus thwarted of his germinant proportions.”“Analytical Disquisition on Punch and Judy. Found among the Papers of the Late Charles Lamb,” Monthly Repository, ns 11 (Feb. 1837): 113. The essay was probably written between the publication of Zodiacal Physiognomy in Jan. 1829, and the death of William Hazlitt (to whom Lamb says he showed the essay) in Sept. 1830.

P. 493
Before the entry for 21 January 1829, add:
“Mr. William Blake, an eminent engraver” appears in “Scientific Obituary for 1827,“ Arcana of Science and Art ..., 3rd ed. (London: John Limbird, 1828) 240.

P. 494
For “an unnamed patron,” substitute:
John Pye, an engraver and antiquarian,On 18 Jan. 1828 E. J. Chance wrote to Linnell that “Mr Pye & Mr Field called.”

P. 495
For “the patron,” substitute:
Pye

P. 495
In Tatham’s letter of 1 Apr. 1829, for “ingenious,” “transcendent,” and “Charlotte St,” read “ingenuous,” “transcendant,” and “Charlotte S.^t”

P. 496
In Tatham’s letter of 1 Apr. 1829, for “has produced,” read “produced”

P. 496
After the letter signed “Frederick Tatham,” add:
Tatham wrote here that “in consequence of M.^rs Blake’s removal from Fountain Court to N.^o 17. Upper Charlotte S.^t Fitzroy Square, a wrong address was put on the letter at Fountain Court.” However, 17 Upper Charlotte Street is also a “wrong address.” Catherine was at 17 Upper Charlton Street, as Tatham wrote in his letter of 18 Oct. 1831. If Catherine’s potential patron wrote to her at 17 Upper Charlotte Street, his letter could not have been delivered to her.

P. 496
Delete “The patron . . . at any rate” and for “a few” read “A few”

P. 496
Add:
Pye apparently bought nothing from Catherine Blake, for when T. H. Cromek was shown his collection the only Blake he had was Varley’s Zodiacal Physiognomy. According to Cromek, “My father had given him a set of proofs of ‘The Grave’ ‘but,’ said he, ‘I gave them all away, except the portraits, for I must tell you, I never admired them. It is a great mistake to attempt to represent a soul, which one never saw: it may do in poetry—very well.’”Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 2, folder 1.

P. 497
For “the Earl,” read:
the Earl of Egremont

P. 497
After “James Ferguson of Tynemouth,” add a footnote:
See “The Peripatetic Painter and the Stroke of Genius: James Ferguson (1790-1871) as a Patron of William Blake,” Blake Journal no. 5 (2000): 7-22.

P. 497
Add:
According to his journal for 17 June 1829, the extravagantly popular Irish poet Tom Moore talked to “Lady Sandon, whom I made laugh a good deal by my account of Varley’s book on Astrology, his portrait of the ‘Ghost of a Flea,’ &c. &c.”Memoirs, Journal, and Correspondence of Thomas Moore, ed. Lord John Russell (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1854) 6: 57.

P. 503
At the end of the footnote to “p. 175-6,” add:
Cunningham’s account (¶37) of Blake’s vision of William Wallace is quoted in a discussion of second sight by Georg Conrad Horst, Deuteroskopie, oder merkwürdige psychische und physiologische Erscheinungen und Probleme aus dem Gebiete der Pneumatologie (Frankfurt: Heinrich Wilmans, 1830) 1: 163-67.

P. 504
After the entry for 12 February 1830, add:
On 12 February 1830 the painter and engraver John Martin wrote to Bernard Barton that he was pleased to discover that Barton’s opinion of Blake as displayed in Cunningham’s Lives coincided with his own: “I had no conception that he would prove so especially interesting, he was indeed a most important character ….” Blake’s illustrations of Young’s Night Thoughts are “exceedingly good, indeed I like them better than any of his works that I have seen ….”Quoted from the manuscript in Victoria University in the University of Toronto. Martin writes from 30 Allsop Terrace, New Road, London, to “Bernard Barton Esqr Woodbridge Suffolk,” with Martin’s seal of a bust.

P. 506
After “‘is his best,’” add:
A note on Cunningham’s book appeared in the Dublin Literary Gazette no. 7 (13 Feb. 1830): 99-102: “Some of those [extracts] we had marked, from the life of Blake in particular, are exceedingly entertaining” (102).

P. 524
Add:
Another review of Cunningham’s Lives in La Belle Assemblée for March 1830Anon., “Monthly View of New Publications, Music, the English and Foreign Drama, the Fine Arts, Literary and Scientific Intelligence, &c.,” La Belle Assemblée ns no. 63 (March 1830): 120-23, reported by Angus Whitehead, “‘another, but far more amiable enthusiast’: References to Catherine and William Blake in the Literary Gazette and La Belle Assemblée (1830),” Blake 46.4 (spring 2013): 4 pars. discussed his lives of Benjamin West and James Barry and continued: “The life of another, but far more amiable enthusiast, poor William Blake, who could not only ‘call spirits from the vasty deep,’ but compel them to arise and appear before him, is, in its details, singularly striking.” After quoting Cunningham on Blake’s visionary heads, the review continues:

P. 525
After “‘leap for joy.—’” add:
At about the same time an essay on “Blake, the Artist” in the Polar Star of Entertainment and Popular Science, and Universal Repertorium of General Literature [London] 3 (“for the Quarter Ending at Lady-Day, [25 Mar.] 1830”): 215-18, quoted Cunningham ¶8-10, 23 (omitting the first sentence)-24, 36-39, 41-44, 47-49.

P. 525
Add:
On 25 March 1830 was published Anon., “Artistes anglais.—William Blake,” Gazette littéraire: Revue française et étrangère de la littérature, des sciences, des beaux-arts [Paris] 1, no. 17 (25 March 1830): 265-68, with an adjusted translation of Cunningham’s ¶2-3, 8-12, 14-29, 36-39, 41-42, 44-47, 49 (¶39, 44-47, 49 much contracted). A footnote says: “Nous avons emprunté les détails contenus dans cette notice à l’ouvrage intitulé: Lives of English artists, par M. Allan Cunningham, qui a été récemment publié à Londres.”The account in the Gazette littéraire was the acknowledged source for the further digests in Anon., “Blake, peintre, graveur et poète anglais,” Le bric-à-brac, vol. 1 (Paris, 1853) 293-301, and François Grille, “Blake, peintre, graveur et poëte anglais,” Revue universelle des arts 14 (1861): 372-75.

P. 527
To footnote † about Blake’s print collection sold to Colnaghi, add at the end:
I found no Colnaghi shop catalogues of 1820-40 in COPAC, Google Books, Google Scholar, or WorldCat in 2011.

P. 532
For “In the meanwhile … Barton replied,” read:
Linnell wrote from Bayswater to Bernard Barton on 10 May 1830:

Barton replied on Tuesday, 15 June:

P. 534
After “‘a good subject for him,’” add:
The first French review of Cunningham’s life of Blake, by L. Sw.-Belloc (Louise Swanton Belloc) for the Revue encyclopédique, ou analyse raisonnée des productions les plus remarquables dans les sciences, les arts industriels, la littérature et les beaux-arts [Paris] 46 (June 1830): 664-67, gave sympathetic paraphrases of Cunningham: “De tous les personnages qui figurent dans la dernière partie de la galerie ... le plus curieux et le plus attrayant ... est ... Blake”; “il se livrait à la fin de la journée à toutes les fantaisies de son imagination. Il oubliait entièrement le présent pour ne vivre que du passé”; “les funérailles d’une fée”; quotations about the Visionary Heads; “Les œuvres de Blake ... sont des compositions de la plus étrange bizarrerie, souvent inintelligibles, et cependant empreintes de poésie” (666-67).

P. 536
After “‘made corporeal,’” add:
Lady Charlotte Bury, with whom Blake shared a notable dinner in 1818 (BR[2] 333-34), wrote in her novel, The Separation (1830), of “the few who live in, and yet out of the world. Such a man, for instance, as old Blake, the artist, and his wife, whose characters (if mortal portraiture could do them justice) would be among the most extraordinary and the finest that ever were drawn. Persons who, living in a garret and in an abject poverty, enjoyed the brightest visions, the brightest pleasures, the most pure and exalted piety. The world might call them mad, but they might with far more truth have called the world mad.”[Lady Charlotte Bury], The Separation: A Novel. By the Authoress of “Flirtation,” 3 vols. (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830). B. 2 vols. (New York: J. & J. Harper, 1830) 2: 76.

P. 540
To “‘my children to make a tracing of any of the Drawings,’” add a footnote:
Probably in the 1830s, Linnell’s children made “charmingly juvenile watercolor copies of pls. from Blake’s Songs of Innocence, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell, and For the Sexes: The Gates of Paradise, the coloring of the children’s own invention,” in an album acquired in 2011 by a British private collector, according to Robert N. Essick, “Blake in the Marketplace, 2011,” Blake 45.4 (spring 2012): 127. Linnell owned For the Sexes (A-B, K), Marriage (H, L-M), Songs of Innocence (I), and Songs of Innocence and of Experience (R).

P. 544
After “‘imitate the latter,’” add:
German accounts of Blake’s visions appeared in Anon., “Blake’s Visionen,” Magazin für philosophische, medicinische und gerichtliche Seelenkunde [ed. J. B. Friedreich] 4 (1830): 34-39 (from “Das Ausland. April 1830. Nro. 101.”), Anon., Allgemeines Repertorium der gesammten deutschen medizinisch-chirurgischen Journalistik [Leipzig] 5, no. 1 (1831): 16-17, and Anon., “Stehen wir im Verkehr mit der Geisterwelt?” Blätter aus Prevorst. Originalien und Lesefrüchte für Freunde des innern Lebens 7 (1835): 168.

P. 545
After “‘Vol. II, p. 167,’” add:
Blake was severely characterized for his visions in Johann Friedrich von Meyer, “Die Seherin von Prevorst,” Blätter für höhere Wahrheit [Berlin] 10 (ns 2): 302-24 (a review of Justinus Kerner’s book, Die Seherin von Prevorst; the review contains a discussion of Blake on 320-22).

P. 545
Add a footnote to “‘Mr. and Mrs. Tatham’”:
The name of Frederick Tatham’s wife, to whom Catherine Blake was deeply devoted, had not been recorded before Angus Whitehead identified her in “‘an excellent saleswoman’: The Last Years of Catherine Blake,” Blake 45.3 (winter 2011-12): 84-85. The entry for their marriage in the register of the church of St. Mary Stratford Bow can be viewed at the Tatham Family History web site. Frederick and Louisa Keen Viney were married about six months before Catherine died. The census of 1851 for 74 Upper Berkeley Street, London, records Louisa Tatham, age 39 [born 1812], as the head of the household in the absence of her husband. The 1861 census for 2 Maria Terrace, Odessa Road, London, lists Louisa Tatham, age 48. Her death certificate records that she died on 19 Sept. 1868 at 45 Oak Village, Kentish Town, London, aged 56. Therefore she must have been born in 1812 before 19 September. The 1861 census was probably taken after her birthday in 1861. Her dates are therefore 1812 (before autumn) to 19 Sept. 1868.

P. 547
At the end of “A Fading Shadow,” add:
The expenses of Catherine’s funeral, “with the same Funeral decorations as her husband,”Tatham’s memoir of Blake (BR[2] 690). were probably paid to the undertaker, Mr. Balls, by Frederick Tatham. Presumably the costs were similar to those for Blake’s funeral on 17 Aug. 1827 at Bunhill Fields, for which Linnell paid £10.18.0 on 26 Jan. 1828.BR(2) 791.

P. 549
After “‘truths,’” add:
According to Anon., “The British School of Design,” Library of the Fine Arts 3, no. 13 (Feb. 1832): 89-95, Fuseli “has had few, if any imitators, unless the equally eccentric designs of Blake can be considered as imitations” (91n). And an anonymous reviewer of Cunningham in the Athenæum no. 226 (25 Feb. 1832): 124-125, commented: “he weaves his collected facts and anecdotes together into a narrative of great simplicity and beauty—in some instances, as in the life of Blake, of almost unrivalled beauty.”

P. 573
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
B: Henry Crabb Robinson
To “107-31,” add a footnote:
Anon., Bibliographie étrangère ... Année 1811 (Paris: Treuttel et Würtz, [?1812]) 253: the articles listed here from Vaterländisches Museum 2 include “6) sur William Blake, artiste, poète et visionnaire.”

P. 625
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
C: John Thomas Smith
In footnote **, for “This was only true in their last residence, 3 Fountain Court, Strand (1821-27),” read:
This was only true of their last two residences, at 17 South Molton Street (1803-21) and 3 Fountain Court, Strand (1821-27). Of course the Blakes had another, larger room which held his printing press and displayed his pictures.

P. 625
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
C: John Thomas Smith
In footnote **, for “(1790-1800)” read:
(1791-1800)

P. 631
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
D: Allan Cunningham
To the footnote about Cunningham and Flaxman, after “‘they both partook,’” add:
(A review of Cunningham vol. 3 in Dublin Literary Gazette no. 25 [19 June 1830]: 388-90, mentioned that “the Reverend Mr. Mathew ... afterwards aided Flaxman in befriending Blake”; Flaxman’s “chief companions were Blake and Stothard”; “With Blake, in particular, he loved to dream and muse ....”)

P. 631
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
D: Allan Cunningham
To the description of “Fuseli’s sharp tongue” in the same footnote, add:
The passage is quoted in Anon., “Henry Fuseli,” Olio; or, Museum of Entertainment 5 (Jan.-July 1830): 104-05.

P. 638
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
D: Allan Cunningham
In the footnote, for “It is difficult to determine whether the mistaken association with Urizen originated with Cunningham or with T. H. Cromek. Cunningham lived,” substitute:
The mistaken association with Urizen originated with Cunningham, who lived

P. 638
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
D: Allan Cunningham
In the same footnote, for “R. H. Cromek, who commissioned the Blair designs,” substitute:
R. H. Cromek. T. H. Cromek wrote of a visit to the British Museum Department of Prints and Drawings: Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 2, folder 1. “I looked over Blake’s ‘Urizen’ a very mad work. It is the first part [i.e., Book] only, and does not contain the subject which I have by him and which I was told by Mr. [William Edward] Frost [1810-77] A.R.A. formed one of the illustrations.”Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313, box 2, folder 1.

P. 652
Appendix I: Early Essays on Blake
D: Allan Cunningham
After “‘while … he conceived, and drew, and engraved … his … Inventions for the Book of Job … [he had] no larger income than some seventeen or eighteen shillings a week,’” add a footnote:
Blake’s recorded income for 1823-26, when he was creating Job, was £388.9.3 (see BR[2] 810-11) or £97 a year, not the £44.4.0 to £46.16.0 a year of Cunningham’s estimate.

P. 735
Appendix II: Blake Residences
28 Broad Street
To “28 Broad Street” add a footnote:
The most notable event in Broad Street for posterity was the terrible outbreak of cholera there in 1854 from contaminated water.

P. 737
Appendix II: Blake Residences
28 Broad Street
To “‘Blake, B.’” add a footnote:
B. Blake’s two pictures of “Dead Game” in the exhibition of the Suffolk Street Gallery in 1832 were described in Anon., “Winter Exhibition of Pictures, at the Suffolk Street Gallery,” Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction 20, no. 576 (17 Nov. 1832): 330-31, as “among the finest compositions of their class” and illuminated by quotation of what J. T. Smith “tells us of Blake’s colouring” (BR[2] 622). The critic has confused the landscape painter Benjamin Blake with the poet-artist William Blake.

P. 738
Appendix II: Blake Residences
28 Broad Street
After “under Flaxman, was at Brewer Street, Golden Square,” add:
Members of the book tradeAll the information here about members of the book trade derives from Ian Maxted, The London Book Trades 1775-1800: A Preliminary Checklist of Members (Folkestone: Dawson, 1977). near Blake’s family home at 28 Broad Street, Carnaby Market, included:
John Plaw (1745-1820), engraver, author, and publisher, 2, Broad St., Carnaby Market, 1791 Francesco Bartolozzi (1727-1815), engraver, Broad St., Carnaby Market, 1769-74 John Keyes Sherwin (1751-90), engraver, at Bartolozzi’s, Broad St., Golden Square, 1774 A. F. Beck, musical instrument maker and seller, 10, Broad Street, Golden Square, 1794 Thomas Beck, piano forte maker, 10, Broad Street, Golden Square, 1789-90 Stephen Horncastle, stationer, [29], Broad St., Carnaby Market, 1763-88 Francis Chesham (1749-1806), engraver, 37, Broad St., Carnaby Market, 1777; 33, Broad Street, Golden Square, 1778 Richard Morton Paye (d. 1821), painter, engraver, and print publisher, 37, Broad St., Golden Square, 1784-93 On Silver Street, one street south of Broad Street, were the following members of the book trade:
Michael Tappy, bookbinder, stationer, and bookseller, 1, Silver St., Golden Square, 1799-1802 Joseph Coad, bookseller, stationery, emery paper maker, and rag merchant, 12, Silver Street, Golden Square, 1782-92 Julius Caesar Ibbetson (1759-1817), engraver and painter, 13, Silver St., Golden Square, 1798-1800 William Lewis, bookbinder, stationer, leatherseller, and importer, Silver St., Golden Square, 1794-99

P. 740
Appendix II: Blake Residences
32 Hog Lane, Soho
After “John Blake of 32 Hog Lane was a Breaches-maker,” add:
who voted in 1780 (for Fox), 1784 (for Hood and Wray), and 1788 (for Hood).London Lives 1690 to 1800.

P. 741
Appendix II: Blake Residences
23 Green Street
After “27 Broad Street in 1784,” add:
Blake’s friend John Hawkins inscribed the title page of his copy of Poetical Sketches (Y), under “W. B.”, “at M^r Taylors / Green St Leicester fields”.

P. 742
Appendix II: Blake Residences
28 Poland Street
For “1785-1790” read:
1785-1791Angus Whitehead, “Mr CLAY of Hercules Buildings,” Blake 45.4 (spring 2012): 143-44, demonstrates that the Blakes moved from Poland Street to Hercules Buildings about February 1791.

P. 743
Appendix II: Blake Residences
28 Poland Street
After “(1797-1800),” add:
Members of the book trade near 28 Poland Street when Blake lived there included:
Anne Bryer, printseller, 5, Poland St., 1788 Jacob Schnebbelie (d. 1792), engraver, 7, Poland St., 1790-91 John Mills, stationer and news dealer, 37, Poland St., 1790-1800 William Lane, engraver, 59, Poland St., 1789 Round the corner from Poland Street and one street north of Broad Street was Marlborough Street, where Blake’s patron Thomas Butts lived at 9 Marlborough Street. Members of the book trade in Marlborough Street included:
Thomas Hardy, engraver, 4, Great Marlborough St., 1788-94 Tebaldo Monzani (1762-1839), music seller and publisher, musical instrument maker, and musician, 6, Great Marlborough St., 1793 T. Martyn, printseller and publisher, 10, Great Marlborough St., 1790 M. Wells, printseller and publisher, 10, Great Marlborough St., 1790 Walter Row, stationer, 27, Great Marlborough St., 1790-1811, 28, Great Marlborough St., 1815-30 Charles Geary, stationer, engraver, and circulating library, 27, Great Marlborough St., 1784-87 William Bromley, engraver, 29, Great Marlborough St., 1789 John and Andrew Gow, musicians, music sellers, and publishers, 31, Great Marlborough St., 1815-23 C. Bestland, engraver, print publisher, and miniaturist, 38, Great Marlborough St., 1786-93

P. 744
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
For “1790-1800” read:
1791-1800

P. 744
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
For “moved in the autumn of 1790,” read:
moved in late winter of 1790-91

P. 744
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
In footnote †, delete “Certainly Blake left … ‘Poland St. July, 28: 1790.’”

P. 746
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
For “(1790-1800)” read:
(1791-1800)

P. 746
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
Delete “Marriage of Heaven and Hell (?1790)”

P. 746
Appendix II: Blake Residences
13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth
Last entry for Hercules Buildings, add:
Members of the book trade near 13 Hercules Buildings, Lambeth, when Blake lived there included:
William Perryman, radical printer, 10, Hercules Buildings, Lambeth, 1799

P. 748
Appendix II: Blake Residences
17 South Molton Street
To “1803-1821” add a footnote:
For remarkably full details about 17 South Molton Street, see Angus Whitehead, “‘I write in South Molton Street, what I both see and hear’: Reconstructing William and Catherine Blake’s Residence and Studio at 17 South Molton Street, Oxford Street,” British Art Journal 11.2 (2010): 62-75. He plausibly attributes their choice of location to its proximity to fashionable clients and art exhibitions and to the quality of the light (64).

P. 748
Appendix II: Blake Residences
17 South Molton Street
Convert endnote 41 to footnote # reading:
Milton pl. 1, ll. 21-22, Jerusalem pl. 62, l. 34. “Tyburn Brook is the covered watercourse running from Tyburn directly behind and below 17 South Molton Street on its way to join the river Westbourne (the Serpentine) in Hyde Park” (Angus Whitehead, “‘I write in South Molton Street, what I both see and hear’: Reconstructing William and Catherine Blake’s Residence and Studio at 17 South Molton Street, Oxford Street,” British Art Journal 11.2 [2010]: 64).

P. 748
Appendix II: Blake Residences
17 South Molton Street
Before “The artist Edward Bird was at 29 South Molton Street (1818),” add:
The painter-engraver William Haines sent works to the Royal Academy exhibition (1811) from 120 South Molton Street;

P. 750
Appendix II: Blake Residences
17 South Molton Street
After “‘didn’t like it’” add:
In 1803-04 Blake’s landlords and housemates at 17 South Molton Street, a fashionable address, were Captain John Lytrott (1763-1809), his wife Ann (widow of Alexander MacDonald [d. 1786]), and perhaps her daughter Christian (who married a man named Hargreaves by 1809). They were succeeded in 1804-05 by William Enoch, a tailor who went bankrupt in 1805, his wife Mary (née Naylor) and their son William (b. 1801). The Enochs were followed in 1805-21 by Mark Anthony Martin, staymaker, who was married on 20 May 1806 to Eleanor Larché (anglicized Larchey in the marriage register). His trade card described him as “Martin | Stay Maker, | (From Paris) | N^o. 17 South Molton Street, | Oxford Street, | London. | Fait toutes Sortes de Corps et de Corsets a la Francoiſe.” Martin retired to France in 1821 (the business became Martin and Stockham in 1821-25) but returned to 17 South Molton Street in 1826-30.See Angus Whitehead, “Mark and Eleanor Martin, the Blakes’ French Fellow Inhabitants at 17 South Molton Street, 1805-21,” Blake 43.3 (winter 2009-10): 84-95.

P. 750
Appendix II: Blake Residences
Above “Cirencester Place,” add:
9 Buckingham Street, Fitzroy Square
1814-1817
James Blake closed the family hosiery shop at 28 Broad Street, Golden Square, in 1812 and moved, presumably with his sister, Catherine Elizabeth, and his business to 9 Buckingham Street, Fitzroy Square. Here he was recorded among merchants and traders in the Post Office Annual Directory for 1814 as “Blake, James, Hoʃier, 9, Buckingham-ʃtreet, Fitzroy-ʃquare” (365). He was two doors away from John Flaxman, who was at 7 Buckingham Street from 1794 till his death in 1826.Flaxman died in Dec. 1826 “at his house, 7, Buckingham-street, Fitzroy-square” (Gentleman’s Magazine 97 [1827]: 273). William had asked his brother James on 30 Jan. 1803 to deliver “5 Copies of N4 of the Ballads for M^rs Flaxman.” Just across Fitzroy Square, in Grafton Street, lived Thomas Butts, in whose office of the Commissary General of Musters James Blake worked in 1814-16.G. E. Bentley, Jr., “Thomas Butts, White Collar Maecenas,” PMLA 71 (1956): 1058-59. “Blake, Frederick, 9, Buckingham Street” is recorded in the Legal Observer 8 (1834): 41.

P. 750
Appendix II: Blake Residences
For the account of “Cirencester Place,” substitute:
Cirencester Place
1818-1827
James Blake retired with only “a scanty independence”Gilchrist 1: 227. from the office of the Commissary General of Musters when it was abolished in 1817 and moved, presumably with his sister, to Cirencester Place. This was a new development which first appears in the rate books in 1818, and James’s name is recorded there from 1818 to 1825. [Retain endnote 46, as in BR(2) 877, and add “Blake’s brother may be the haberdasher James Blake of Grafton Street from whom Edward Smith, age 16, stole a pair of shoes in Jan. 1827 (trial of 15 Feb. 1827, recorded in Old Bailey Proceedings Online).”] Nearby lived John Linnell at 6 Cirencester Place, with whom Catherine Blake lived in 1827-28. On 2 March 1827 James Blake’s body was brought from “Cirencester Place” to be buried in Bunhill Fields.

P. 752
Appendix II: Blake Residences
3 Fountain Court
To “‘Blake’s fellow lodgers were humble but respectable,’” add a footnote:
For extraordinarily rich details of residents of Fountain Court and their occupations, see Angus Whitehead, “‘humble but respectable’: Recovering the Neighbourhood Surrounding William and Catherine Blake’s Last Residence, No. 3 Fountain Court, Strand, c. 1820-27,” University of Toronto Quarterly 80.4 (2011): 858-79. Fountain Court included the shops of a draper, a letterpress printer, a carver and gilder, a carpenter, a tailor, a wine-merchant’s cellar, and an entrance to the popular public house called the Coal Hole.

P. 754
Appendix II: Blake Residences
Replace “17 Upper Charlotte or Charlton Street” and “1828-1831” with:
17 Upper Charlton Street
Spring 1829-October 1831
and add a footnote:
For full details about the address and dates, see Angus Whitehead’s brilliant essay “‘an excellent saleswoman’: The Last Years of Catherine Blake,” Blake 45.3 (winter 2011-12): 76-90.

P. 755
Appendix II: Blake Residences
For “20 Lisson Grove” and “1828-1830,” substitute:
1 Queen Street, Mayfair
March 1828-spring 1829
and add a footnote:
For details on Catherine Blake’s stay at 1 Queen Street, see Angus Whitehead, “‘an excellent saleswoman’: The Last Years of Catherine Blake,” Blake 45.3 (winter 2011-12): 76-90.

P. 758
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
A: Separate Accounts, 1783-1831
Add:
In 1788 Blake received fifty guineas for the apprenticeship of Thomas Owen.

P. 758
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
A: Separate Accounts, 1783-1831
After “4 [s]--” add:
Perhaps “Blake’s Engravings” at 4s were For Children: The Gates of Paradise (1793), priced at 3s in “To the Public” (10 Oct. 1793). Flaxman owned For Children (F) with an extra print.

P. 758
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
A: Separate Accounts, 1783-1831
After “early October 1797” add:
Perhaps this paid for Flaxman’s copies of America (S), Thel (S), Europe (N), Urizen (K), and Visions of the Daughters of Albion (S), bound together, which would have cost £2.2.0 at the prices of Blake’s 1793 prospectus.

P. 765
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
A: Separate Accounts, 1783-1831
To “Urizen, Heaven &c” add a footnote:
“Urizen, Heaven &c” probably represents The Marriage of Heaven and Hell pl. 11 and The First Book of Urizen pls. 2, 5, 10, with inscriptions, stabbed through three holes 3.8 and 4.3 cm. apart, with three or four framing lines, which have been associated with the Small Book of Designs (BB p. 357).

P. 800
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
D: Linnell’s Job Accounts, 1823-1834
In the footnote, for “Pl. 14 from Sir Thomas Lawrence’s collection was sold in 1981,” read:
Sir Thomas Lawrence’s copy was sold in 1978

P. 809
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
F: Summary of Accounts: Payments to Blake and Catherine
Add:
1788 for the apprenticeship of Thomas Owen £52.10.0 [and adjust the running totals accordingly]

P. 809
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
F: Summary of Accounts: Payments to Blake and Catherine
Add a footnote to “1799 from Flaxman £9.0.8”:
Blake never filed for income tax (instituted by Pitt in 1799 to finance the war with France), presumably because his net income was never above £60, the minimum taxable amount (as Mary Lynn Johnson tells me). In 1799 “Thos Butts, Esq., Gt Marlboro” paid £46.17.4 at 10% [on his income of about £468.13.0] (see Mary Lynn Johnson, “Newfound Particulars of Blake’s Patrons, Thomas and Elizabeth Butts, 1767–1806,” Blake 47.4 [spring 2014]).

P. 810
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
F: Summary of Accounts: Payments to Blake and Catherine
Under 1805, Hayley’s Ballads, for £42.0.0 read:
£52.10.0 [and adjust the running totals accordingly]

P. 810
Appendix III: Blake Accounts
F: Summary of Accounts: Payments to Blake and Catherine
Also under 1805, Hayley’s Ballads, delete “and as much again to come if they are successful,” and for “(see Blake’s letter of 25 April 1805),” read:
(see Blake’s letter of 22 March 1805)

P. 814
Appendix IV: Engravings by and after Blake, 1773-1831
To “Morning [and Evening] Amusement” add a footnote:
Anon., “Vermischte Nachrichten,” Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste 28, no. 1 (1783): 162: “Zwey angenehme Blätter, nach Watteau, aus der Sammlung des Hrn. A. Maskins [i.e., Macklin]; Morning Amusement und Evening Amusement, von W. Blake in Röthel, Ovale, zu 9 Zoll 4 Linien Höhe, und 11 Zoll 3 Linien Breite, kosten zusammen 15 Schillinge.”

P. 815
Appendix IV: Engravings by and after Blake, 1773-1831
To “Robin Hood & Clorinda” add a footnote:
Anon., “Vermischte Nachrichten,” Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste 30, no. 2 (1785): 337: “Robin Hood and Clorinda” after J. Meheux, engraved by “W. Blake, in punktirter Manier,” in the round, 8" in diameter, “4 Schillinge im Preise.”

P. 815
Appendix IV: Engravings by and after Blake, 1773-1831
To “The Fall of Rosamond” add a footnote:
Anon., “Vermischte Nachrichten,” Neue Bibliothek der schönen Wissenschaften und der freyen Künste 30, no. 2 (1785): 342: “The Fall of Rosamond ... von Blake, in eben der Manier, gleicher Maasse und Preises” (as “Ophelia” [Stothard-Ogborne]).

P. 820
Appendix IV: Engravings by and after Blake, 1773-1831
Add:

1799	Anon., The Cabinet of the Arts (reprinted from Bellamy’s Picturesque Magazine [1793])
1803	European Magazine 43, frontispiece

P. 821
Appendix IV: Engravings by and after Blake, 1773-1831
Add:

1810 Spring

“Carfax Conduit”

[?Blake]

1

Blake

Blake

It was listed under Anon., “Quarterly List of New Publications. From February to May, 1810. Arts (Fine),” Edinburgh Review 16, no. 31 (Apr. 1810): 253 (“A View of Carfax Conduits, Oxford. Drawn and engraved by Blake. 1s. 6d.”); very similar notices appear in lists of new publications in the Quarterly Review 3 (May 1810): 518 and Edinburgh Annual Register [for 1810] 3, part 2 (1812): cviii.

P. 855
Endnotes
To the end of note 65 add:
The sentence in Hayley’s letter is quoted in the anonymous review of Hayley’s Memoirs in the Literary Chronicle no. 213 (14 June 1823): 369-70.

Pp. 860-61
Endnotes
To note 19, after “1411,” add:
T. H. Cromek wrote c. 1862 in his “Memoirs”: “I was the person who put the letter in the hands of Allan Cunningham [d. 1842]. Where it is now I know not.”Cromek Archive, Princeton University Library, Dept. of Rare Books and Special Collections, C1313.

Pp. 860-61
Endnotes
To the end of note 19 about Cromek’s letter of May 1807 add:
A transcription by R. H. Cromek’s son Thomas (in Thomas’s manuscript “Memoirs” of his father [1865], now in the Princeton University Library) differs in many minor ways from that in the Gentleman’s Magazine (1852); abbreviations (e.g., “w^d”, “exclus^y”) are expanded, layout is altered (e.g., the first paragraph in the Gentleman’s Magazine is divided into three). I take it that T. H. Cromek’s source was the Gentleman’s Magazine version and consequently has no authority.

P. 869
Endnotes
Delete note 97 (see addendum to p. 387, above).

P. 871
Endnotes
In note 37, for “in the possession of T. H. Cromek’s great-grandson Mr Paul Warrington,” read:
in Princeton University Library

P. 872
Endnotes
To the end of note 49 about the London Literary Gazette, add:
The review is the source of Anon., “Sketch of Blake, the Painter,” Atheneum; or, Spirit of the English Magazines [Boston] 3rd ser., 4, no. 1 (1 Apr. 1830): 25-30, and Anon., “From the Literary Gazette. The Family Library, No. X,” Museum of Foreign Literature and Science [Philadelphia, New York] 16 (June 1830): 498-501.

P. 872
Endnotes
To note 60 about Etty’s letter of 25 March 1830, add:
Allan Cunningham’s son Francis offered this letter to Swinburne in his letter of 3 Nov. 1866 (Uncollected Letters of Algernon Charles Swinburne, ed. Terry L. Meyers [London: Pickering & Chatto, 2005] 1: 81-82).

P. 873
Endnotes
To the end of note 65, add:
Anon., “Visions of Blake the Artist,“ Rural Repository, or Bower of Literature [Hudson, New York] 7, no. 4 (17 July 1830): 30-31, quotes ¶37 from Cunningham.

P. 874
Endnotes
To note 2 about Mrs. Hemans’s poem, add:
The poem and its footnote are also quoted in Museum of Foreign Literature, Science and Art 20, no. 118 (Apr. 1832): 449-50 and Christian Messenger [New York] 1, no. 29 (19 May 1832): 232. In a letter of 3 Feb. 1832, Mrs. Hemans wrote: “I should be very glad to know how you like the little scene I have taken from the life of Blake the painter, which appears in this month’s Blackwood” (Henry F. Chorley, Memorials of Mrs. Hemans ... [Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Blanchard, 1836] 236; there were other editions of Saunders and Otley in London, 1836, and New York and London, 1836).

P. 910
Index, “Hercules Buildings”
For “(1790-1800)” read:
(1791-1800)

P. 926
Index, “Poland Street”
For “(1785-90)” read:
(1785-91)

Plate 63
For “1790 to 1800” read:
1791 to 1800